Songs of Dust and Watera novel by M.J. Hydara
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Example essays · Brazil

Brazil

Two example essays on the novel, each modelled on one kind of final-year task set in Brazil.

About these essays. They are example essays written for this site, in the voices of imagined students; they are not the work of real pupils. They discuss the whole novel, including the ending, so each one stays hidden until you say you have finished the book. Every quotation is checked against the paperback, and page numbers refer to it.

The first essay imitates the final comparative literature essay set in the 3º ano of the ensino médio at a bilingual school, where the English literature course is modelled on the IB Diploma and teachers ask for a long, school-set comparative essay of about 2,000–3,000 words with MLA citation; it sets an English-language novel beside a work of Brazilian literature studied in Portuguese. The second imitates a geography research essay (trabalho de pesquisa) from the 3º ano of a Recife school’s bilingual stream, organised under numbered headings and referenced in the Brazilian ABNT author-date style (SURNAME, year, p. N). Both students and both schools are fictional.

Example essay 1

Accounts Kept by Other Hands: Words, Cheating and the Poor in Vidas Secas and Songs of Dust and Water

Written as
An imagined student aged 17, a bilingual private school in Fortaleza, Ceará
Format
Ensino médio, 3º ano; English Literature (IB-style bilingual programme), final comparative essay
Task
“Words are a form of property.” Compare the ways in which two novels, one from Brazilian literature and one studied in English, present the relationship between language, power and poverty.
Length
2,459 words, not counting headings and references
Hidden until you have read the whole book, including the vote and the ending.

My grandmother came to Fortaleza from the sertão near Crateús in the drought of 1958, when she was eleven. She never learned to read well, and for years she bought on credit at a bodega in the Pirambu, where the owner wrote what she owed in a little notebook that only he could see. She paid what he said. When we read the chapter “Contas” from Graciliano Ramos’s Vidas Secas (1938) in Portuguese class, I recognised that notebook immediately. Fabiano, the cowhand, sells his share of the calves and kids to the boss, and the boss’s figures never match what Sinhá Vitória has worked out at home with seeds. The difference, the boss tells him, is interest. When Fabiano complains, the boss tells him to go and find work somewhere else, and Fabiano apologises and leaves (Ramos, “Contas”). He was right, and he apologised.

M.J. Hydara’s Songs of Dust and Water (2026) is set far from the sertão, in two fictional West African republics, but it is full of the same account books. A buyer’s agent drives to the floodplain villages “with a set of scales in the back” and buys their cotton “less a transport charge he named” (Hydara 116). A village signatory signs away land that is under dispute. A foreign engineer signs an amendment he “did not read to the end” (82). In this essay I will argue that both novels treat the ability to read, count and speak in public as the poor person’s most important property, and that both show how easily that property is taken. The difference is that Ramos shows a man who has no words and is cheated because of it, while Hydara shows people who learn to read the paper aloud, in public, in their own language, and then discover that reading is only half of the defence. The other half, in this novel, is having somewhere else to sell.

Fabiano’s problem with words is the centre of Vidas Secas. Ramos tells the story in the third person, but very close to the characters, using the free indirect style we studied in class, so that we hear Fabiano’s thoughts in their own broken rhythm. He admires seu Tomás da bolandeira, who read books and spoke well, and sometimes he tries out difficult words he has heard without knowing what they mean. In the chapter “Cadeia” he is tricked into a card game by the soldado amarelo, the yellow soldier, and when the soldier provokes him he cannot defend himself with speech, so he swears, and is beaten and locked up. In his cell he thinks that if he could only talk like seu Tomás, things would be different. Even the family’s parrot, which they eat in the first chapter, had only learned to imitate the dog’s barking, because in that house almost nobody spoke. Ramos makes silence into a symptom of poverty. The family’s lack of words is part of what makes them easy to rob.

Part One of Songs of Dust and Water seems at first to be about a different problem, because the people of Madina are not silent. Samba, the old farmer, speaks to the foreign engineer Adam Sterling in English, “slowly, choosing each word before he used it, so that none of it would have to pass through Mustapha” (17). He has understood that whoever translates for the village controls it. His warning is exact: “A signature tells you who held the pen,” he says. “It does not tell you who agreed” (18). This is the lesson Fabiano never had the words to say to his boss. But Samba is ignored, Mustapha signs, and later Mustapha takes an envelope of money from Nabil. Having the words is not enough when the paper has already been written somewhere else.

The most interesting person in Part One, for this comparison, is Talib. His name, he tells Adam, means “student” (30). Like Fabiano he is poor and dependent on a boss, but unlike Fabiano he has a language of his own. As a boy he taught himself to read a radio schematic found in a ditch, and the reason he loved it is given in three short sentences: “A line went somewhere. A symbol meant one thing. Nobody sighed at him” (5). For Talib the diagram is the opposite of the adult world, where meanings shift and he always seems to be failing. For a while this language protects him. When his first wage under the National Energy Fund arrives late and short, with a deduction “marked Admin. alignment (Sovereign Resource Law)”, he “stood in the line and counted it twice, and then a third time” (41). The scene is very close to Fabiano at the boss’s table, except that Talib does not apologise. He goes into the portal at night and follows the money to the minister’s brother’s bank, and when Aisha asks if he knows what he is doing he answers, “I’m following the data,” and then, “He taught me that” (49).

What happens next is where Hydara is closest to Ramos. Talib has the figures, the names and the dates, and Adam calls it “noise”. Then, when Adam himself brings the evidence to Minister Khresay, the old minister tells him: “Evidence is a goat. It goes where the man holding the rope leads it” (66). I think this is the same idea as the end of the yellow soldier story in Vidas Secas. A year after his arrest, Fabiano meets the soldier lost and frightened in the caatinga, and he could kill him, but he lets him go and even shows him the road, because in his mind the government is the government (Ramos, “O soldado amarelo”). In both novels, being right is useless when the powerful decide what the facts mean. Fabiano gives way because he has always given way; Khresay gives way because he is a politician and has counted the odds. The result for the poor is the same.

The great change comes in Part Two, at the reading of the agreement in Nafawol. Dr Arramata, the engineer who was born in the village, begins to read the contract aloud, and Fatou, a trader, holds out her hand and takes it. Her reason is one of the best lines in the book: “Every buyer at the port has read me his paper himself, in my own language, very kindly,” Fatou said. “Every one of them skipped a line” (100). What I like about this line is the word “kindly”. The men who cheated Fatou were polite about it, and so is Fabiano’s boss, who is no monster in Ramos’s novel, only the man who holds the pen. So she reads it herself, “with her finger under it, and then said it aloud in Nabari”, and “where a word would not go into Nabari she stopped and said what it did instead” (100). This is what Fabiano needed: somebody on his own side of the table, reading slowly, and refusing to let a difficult word stand in for a hidden meaning. Hydara also notices the small detail of power in the room. Fatou “sat down at the end of the bantaba, where she had no seat, and nobody moved her” (100). The reading is done in public, the elder Mamadou can say “Again” at any clause, and at the end the key goes into Fatou’s purse “with her coins” (101). It is the first time in either novel that the poor are the ones who keep the paper.

One image in Hydara connects to Ramos almost too neatly. In Vidas Secas, Sinhá Vitória does the household sums with seeds, using them as counters. In Songs of Dust and Water, after the first cotton sale, Fatou sits alone with the ledger and remembers: “In the hunger years my mother cooked our seed millet” (109). Seed is the future in both books. Sinhá Vitória uses it to count, and her count is ignored. Fatou’s mother had to eat it, which means eating next year’s harvest. Fatou spends the rest of the novel trying to make sure nobody has to do that again, and the novel lets her fear stay real. Even at the vote, when she loses, she says, “I saw my mother in this vote” (200).

However, Hydara does not let reading solve everything, and this is where the novel is more complicated than I expected. The buyer’s agent is the closest character in the book to Fabiano’s boss. He is warm and personal: “He knew her mother’s name and asked after her” (116). He had brought her children sweets. And for fifteen years he has bought the floodplain’s cotton at the farm gate, “less a transport charge he named, because for most of those years there had been no other way for the cotton to reach the coast” (116). The important words here are “no other way”. Fatou can read perfectly well, and it makes no difference while there is only one truck. Later we learn that this same courteous man paid two brothers to break the village’s new culvert, because the road would end his trade: “The man who paid them buys cotton at our farm gates” (154). The road is the real threat to him, more than any contract.

The clearest proof that literacy is not enough comes after the inspector seals Sirawol’s mill. Kadiatou goes to see it, and finds the old scene returned: a truck with scales in the back, the growers waiting in a line with their sacks, and a young buyer who “named the transport charge, and nobody argued with it” (160). Sirawol has a fund, a charter and a ledger. Its people can read. But the mill is shut, so they are Fabiano again, standing at someone else’s scales. Fatou remembers this when she studies the TransGlobal offer and sees the clause giving the company the first right to buy every bale: “Fatou knew that clause from the farm gate: the agent with his scales in the back of the truck, and a transport charge he named” (197). I think this is Hydara’s most original point about language and poverty. A contract can be read aloud, line by line, by an honest woman, and still be a cage, because what matters is who has the alternatives. Fabiano’s boss could cheat him because Fabiano had nowhere else to go. When the Union votes fourteen black stones to ten white, it is refusing, among other things, to go back to having nowhere else to go.

I find another difference almost moving. In Vidas Secas the only person who apologises over the accounts is the person who was cheated. In Hydara the treasurer herself makes an error, and has to correct it in public. An inspector from the banking regulator finds that Fatou entered one payment twice. Fatou goes to the ledger at night: “She did not cross either of them out” (138). She writes a long line explaining the mistake and signs it with her name “in full, not the initials that stood at the foot of every page” (139), and then pins a copy on the wall in the square. Later, after she exposes the supplier who overcharged the mill, she admits to Kadiatou, “I didn’t think it would be me who needed it” (143). Here the person with the pen is the one who has to answer to the people who cannot see the books. That is the exact reverse of the bodega notebook my grandmother paid from, and of the boss’s table in “Contas”.

The style of the two novels is also worth comparing, because both are written in a very dry way. Ramos is famous for cutting adjectives and writing short, hard sentences that seem to have had all the water squeezed out of them, like the landscape. Hydara’s sentences are also short and plain, and the most important moments are often the quietest. After the plant in Madina burns, the chapter ends: “The looms were still, and the children did not cry” (54). The disaster is measured by what falls quiet in the village. But there is one big difference. Ramos’s characters hardly speak, and much of the novel happens inside their heads, while Hydara’s characters talk and argue all the time: in council, at the cooking fires, across the ledger. In Vidas Secas the drama is that nobody can say anything. In Songs of Dust and Water the drama is that everybody can, and they still disagree. Isatou’s demand at the road committee, “Write it in your ledger” (113), and her correction of the lawyer, “Then write taking money out” (128), show a community taking the language of the courts and turning it back into words that the women at the fires can check.

In Rachel de Queiroz’s O Quinze (1930), which is set in the great drought of 1915 in Ceará, Chico Bento’s family survive the camp in Fortaleza only to take a ship south to São Paulo, and Vidas Secas also ends in flight, with Fabiano and Sinhá Vitória walking south and imagining a city where the boys might go to school. The Brazilian drought novel is a novel of leaving. Hydara’s book has its departures too, and does not hide them: the Teranu family sell their bullocks and go to the coast after the vote, and Mariam loses a year of study. But the final chapter reverses the direction. The visitors from Madina arrive by train, and Talib, now a man in his forties, asks the question that I think the whole book has been preparing: “Who is poor here now?” (229). It is a question about accounts, almost a request to see the ledger, and Hassan gives him the honest answer, that the farmers at the edges are still poor and the council has not solved it.

To conclude, both novels connect poverty with the loss of language, and both show the powerful keeping the books. Ramos shows this through a man who has no words and apologises for being right; his novel is a protest, and it ends on the road out. Hydara begins in the same place, with signatures that do not mean agreement and evidence led like a goat, but Part Two imagines what happens when poor people read the paper themselves, aloud and in their own language, and keep the ledger on a wall. The answer is cautious. Reading lets Fatou see the skipped line, but only a road, a mill and the right to say no stop the man with the scales from naming his price. When I think of my grandmother’s bodega, I think Hydara is right on both counts. She needed to be able to read the notebook, and she also needed another shop.

Works Cited

Hydara, M.J. Songs of Dust and Water. 2026. Paperback, ISBN 9798162251088.

Queiroz, Rachel de. O Quinze. 1930.

Ramos, Graciliano. Vidas Secas. 1938. Rio de Janeiro: Record.

Ramos, Graciliano. Barren Lives. Translated by Ralph Edward Dimmick, University of Texas Press, 1965.

Example essay 2

Convivência or Capture? The Brazilian Semi-Arid and the Floodplain of Songs of Dust and Water

Written as
An imagined student aged 17, a private school with a bilingual stream, Recife, Pernambuco
Format
Ensino médio, 3º ano; Geography (bilingual stream), interdisciplinary research essay (trabalho de pesquisa) with Literature
Task
Choose a work of fiction that deals with water scarcity. Using it as a case study, investigate how a real region manages drought, and evaluate what the fiction helps us understand and what it leaves out.
Length
2,797 words, not counting headings and references
Hidden until you have read the whole book, including the vote and the ending.

1. Introduction

Every year in geography we hear the same contrast. On one side there is the old way of dealing with the Nordeste’s drought: emergency relief, water trucks, dams on big farms, and politicians who need the drought to continue. On the other side there is “convivência com o semiárido”, living with the semi-arid instead of fighting it, which is the idea behind the rainwater cisterns that you now see beside so many houses in the sertão. Last July I went with my father to his cousin’s sítio in the Sertão do Pajeú, and the first thing this cousin, whom I have always called my uncle, showed me was the white concrete cistern next to the kitchen wall, which he said had changed his mother’s life more than anything the government had promised in fifty years.

For this research essay I chose M.J. Hydara’s novel Songs of Dust and Water (2026) as a case study, because it contains both models. In Part One, a solar and water plant in the village of Madina, in the fictional Republic of Awdagha, is taken over by a minister and destroyed. In Part Two, a village called Nafawol on a dead floodplain in the Republic of Tekuru builds, slowly and with many quarrels, a water system that it owns. My question is how far the novel’s two halves match the Brazilian debate between the “indústria da seca” and convivência, and what a novel can and cannot show about water policy. My hypothesis is that Hydara’s Part Two is very close to the philosophy of the Articulação Semiárido Brasileiro (ASA), but that the novel is more honest than most school presentations about the limits and costs of that model.

2. The Brazilian semi-arid and the “indústria da seca”

The semi-arid covers most of the interior of the Nordeste. The problem is irregular rain more than lack of rain: in some years it is reasonable, and in others it fails almost completely. The crystalline rock under much of the sertão also holds little groundwater, and what there is is often salty. For most of the twentieth century the state’s answer was building works (açudes, dams and wells) and emergency help in drought years. Josué de Castro, born in Recife, argued in Geografia da Fome (1946) that hunger in Brazil was a social and political product much more than a natural one, and the history of drought relief seems to prove him right.

The expression “indústria da seca” is credited to the journalist Antonio Callado, who wrote about it in the Correio da Manhã around 1960 and in his book Os industriais da seca e os “galileus” de Pernambuco (CALLADO, 1960). It describes how local political elites used drought as a business: they asked Brasília for emergency money, credit and debt forgiveness; they built dams and wells on their own properties or the properties of allies; they controlled who received relief work and who received water, and they collected votes in exchange (INFOESCOLA, [s.d.]). The water truck (carro-pipa) became a symbol of this, because whoever decides where the truck stops has power over the families waiting for it. In this system the drought is useful to someone, so nobody important has a strong reason to end it.

3. Capture in Madina: relief as a business

Minister Dunia’s capture of the Madina plant in Part One is a very clear fictional example of this logic, although the setting is completely different. After a blackout in the capital she sees the plant’s surplus and makes a public argument that sounds generous: “The sun that shines here belongs to all the people of Awdagha, does it not?” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 38). The emergency becomes the justification. The plant’s revenue is moved into the National Energy Fund, and in private she gives the instruction that shows what this really means: “Nabil will see to the procurement. The usual firms” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 35). The “usual firms” keep their accounts at her brother’s bank. Even before this, every purchase for the plant had gone through her Energy Fund’s portal and its approved vendor list, and when the apprentice Talib tries to order sisal, charcoal and grass for Aisha’s cheap pre-filter, the system refuses, because the approved companies “did not sell anything that grew” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 27).

This is a very good image for the indústria da seca. No law about water forbids the local solution; a purchasing system designed so that money can only flow to certain people simply has no place for it. In the sertão, the same thing happened when emergency money went to contractors with political connections and not to small works that families could maintain themselves. The plant then breaks, partly because of fake parts from the approved vendors, and the foreigner takes the blame. The relief creates the next emergency.

Hydara does not make Dunia a simple villain, and I think this is important for a geography essay. When she tries to recruit Aisha, Dunia describes her northern childhood: eleven charity plaques, none of them still working, and, outlasting them all, “the state. A poor state. A stupid state”, which nevertheless “was still there” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 61). She calls Adam “an island” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 61). Her argument is the one that defenders of big state works in Brazil also make: small projects by NGOs come and go, but the state stays. And her plan partly works. Years later her northern grid is finished, and the nurse Hawa says, “We have not delivered a child by torchlight in years,” adding, “Whatever else” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 202). The same chapter, though, gives the other side in one line from a young man who works on the grid company’s poles: “Her brother’s bank’s grid,” and then, “Ask anyone who pays a bill” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 202). The novel shows that capture and real public works can be the same project. In Brazil this is also true: some açudes from the old period still supply towns today, even if they were built for the wrong reasons.

4. Convivência: the ASA and the cisterns

The Articulação Semiárido Brasileiro is a network of civil society organisations (rural unions, church groups, NGOs) launched in Recife in 1999, during a parallel event to the third Conference of the Parties of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (BRASIL DE FATO, 2021). Its founding document, the Declaração do Semiárido, argued that the region was viable and that the problem was the concentration of land and water (ASA, 1999). Its best-known programme is the Programa Um Milhão de Cisternas (P1MC). After pilot work from 2001, it expanded from 2003 with federal funding. Each family receives a plate cistern of about 16,000 litres, which collects rainwater from the roof, enough for drinking and cooking through the dry season (IHU, 2011). Local masons are trained to build them, and the family takes part in the construction. A second programme, Uma Terra e Duas Águas (P1+2), added larger cisterns and other “social technologies” for water for production, such as underground dams and stone tanks (BRASIL DE FATO, 2021).

The programme did not reach its target as fast as its name promised. In 2011, eight years after the launch, there were just over 350,000 cisterns installed, with millions of people still waiting; the ASA blamed slow federal transfers (IHU, 2011). The cistern is not a miracle either: it is for people, not for fields, and in a long drought it can still be filled by a water truck. But politically it changed something essential. The water is stored at the family’s own house, so nobody can stop the truck at a friend’s door.

5. Nafawol’s system: harvester, borehole and the Coffer Fund

The water system in Nafawol is technically different (an air-to-water harvester plus a borehole, powered by solar panels), but its design follows the same logic as P1MC in three ways.

First, it separates water for people from water for production. Dr Arramata, the engineer born in the village, describes the harvester’s output as “Drinking and cooking for every compound, and not a litre for the fields” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 103). This is exactly the logic of the 16,000-litre cistern, and of the separate P1+2 programme for production. Like the ASA, she also refuses the big technical answer. When an old man at the first meeting asks why they do not take the salt out of the water, as they do on the coast, she answers that the brine would lie on the land, the membranes would die in the dust, and “the deep water they would pump is the water your grandchildren should drink” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 90). The harvester exists to protect the aquifer.

Second, it is honest about its limits. The harvester never reaches its design yield. It stays at “a little under seventy per cent”, and Dr Arramata puts the curve up in the square and says: “We stop asking it to. We plan around it” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 125). The borehole makes up the rest, and “every Friday Dr Arramata lowered a tape into the borehole and wrote the depth beside the curve” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 125). In the bad year, “Every Friday the figure was lower” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 205), and the taps are rationed, with Isatou sitting “between the taps with an exercise book” and ticking off “each compound’s buckets” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 205). I found this more realistic than many brochures I read for this project. With convivência the drought still comes; what changes is that the community can see the problem and share it fairly.

Third, and most important, the money is protected from capture. The village’s Coffer Fund has a rule that no sum above the price of a young bull can leave it “without three names on it” from three different households (HYDARA, 2026, p. 129). The old elder Mamadou insists that the rule must apply to him too: “I want the rule to say no to him, so that I do not have to” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 129). The ledger is posted on a wall every Friday, because, as Isatou says, “A pot everyone can see into does not empty in the night” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 132). The rule is tested when Mamadou’s own grandson, Lamin, steals small payments just below the three-signature limit, and is discovered by schoolchildren adding up the public ledger. This is the opposite of the indústria da seca, where the accounts were exactly the thing nobody could see.

The Tekuru government also tries a capture. Minister Sulayman reflects that a fund which does not pass through his office “was a pool of money that bought him nothing” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 134). He demands control of the Fund, and the village escapes only by re-registering it under banking law. Then, as Fatou sees it, he strikes another way: an inspector seals Sirawol’s mill over a boiler certificate. Fatou says, “So he has taken the mill”, and Kadiatou corrects her: “He has taken the year” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 160). This is a very Brazilian kind of power, where a delay on paper costs a family a harvest.

6. The stone lines and the slow time of recharge

The part of the novel that most reminded me of the semi-arid is the work on the dead river channels. Crews build “low stone lines across the dead beds, knee-high, curved against the slope, so that when the rains came the water would slow and sit and sink instead of running off across the crust”, and dig “half-moon pits four paces across” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 126). These are real techniques used in the Sahel, and they are close relatives of the barragem subterrânea and the small stone barriers in the P1+2 programme, which also try to keep rain in the ground where it falls. Hydara also includes a detail that a geography teacher would like: before the first line is built, Mamadou has to go three times to the herders’ dry-season camp, because their cattle had walked the channels for generations and “nobody had asked them about stones” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 126). Water works always cross somebody’s land and somebody’s path.

The time scale is the lesson. Dr Arramata predicts ten years if they are lucky, fifteen if not. A boy asks the old men why their grandfathers built the same lines if they never saw them pay, and the answer is, “For us,” as the old man “set another stone” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 126). The water finally returns to the channel in Year 10, when “the stone lines had held it and slowed it and passed it on, one to the next” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 210), and even then Kadiatou finds the well water “still bitter” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 211). It takes until Year 15 for the well to recover. A politician needs results before the next election. A recharge project needs fifteen years. I think this difference in time explains why the indústria da seca preferred trucks and emergency money: they produce visible results quickly, and they need to be repeated.

7. The transposition and the big-work question

The São Francisco transposition (officially the Projeto de Integração do Rio São Francisco) is the largest water work in the history of the Nordeste. The canals were begun in 2007, the Eastern Axis was inaugurated at Monteiro, Paraíba, in March 2017, and water from the Northern Axis reached Ceará in June 2020; together the two axes have about 477 km of canals, and Paraíba, Pernambuco and Ceará already receive water (CORREIO BRAZILIENSE, 2021). Its critics, including the bishop Dom Luiz Flávio Cappio, who went on hunger strike against it, argued that the water would serve cities, industry and irrigated agribusiness more than the dispersed rural families who suffer most, and that the money would have reached more people through small works.

The novel has no transposition, but it has the argument. The Proxima Fund itself began, in Part One, with a large, perfect, centrally controlled plant whose engineer promised that “Nobody in Madina will ever need to touch it” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 8), and after its failure the fund changes its rules so that money goes only where the people “owned it, and could stop it” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 82). In Part Two the offer of TransGlobal, with two billion dollars across the region, is a private version of the big work: faster, bigger, and controlled from outside. The Union refuses it fourteen stones to ten. I do not think a Brazilian reader can say simply that the transposition is the TransGlobal offer, because the transposition is public and its water is really arriving in towns in Paraíba. But the question Isatou asks about the cash payments, “Into whose hand?” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 190), is the right question to ask about any big water project, including ours: who decides where the canal goes, who pays for the water at the end of it, and who is still waiting at the end of the line?

8. Conclusion: what a novel can and cannot show

My hypothesis was partly confirmed. Part One of Songs of Dust and Water works as a fictional model of the indústria da seca: an emergency is used to move money into the hands of a political group, a purchasing system shuts out local solutions, and failure becomes a reason for more control. Part Two works as a model of convivência: water for people separated from water for production, small owned technology, rainwater kept in the ground, and above all public accounts that make capture difficult.

But a novel has limits as a case study, and I should be honest about them. It is one fictional village, with an unusually good engineer who was born there and a foreign fund with a hundred million dollars for the region. The P1MC built hundreds of thousands of cisterns across more than a thousand municipalities, and its problems were problems of scale and federal budgets that a story about one floodplain cannot show. The novel’s hydrology is also convenient: the water returns in exactly the way the engineer predicts, three years early. In the real sertão, the crystalline rock and the irregular rain make recharge much less certain.

On the other hand, the novel shows things that statistics hide. It shows the costs of saying no: the Teranu family leaving for the coast, Mariam losing a year of study, and old Jankero dying waiting for a hospital that never came, whose son tells Kadiatou, “It is as far as it was” (HYDARA, 2026, p. 206). It shows that a minister who captures money can also build a grid that keeps a maternity ward lit. And it shows that convivência depends on people sitting through long meetings, counting buckets and checking each other’s sums. My uncle’s cistern works because his family keeps the gutter clean, fills it from the roof and does not let anybody else decide who drinks from it. That is the part of convivência that no government programme can deliver by itself, and it is also the part that a novel, more than a report, can make you see.

References

ASA – ARTICULAÇÃO NO SEMIÁRIDO BRASILEIRO. Declaração do Semiárido. Recife, 1999.

BRASIL DE FATO. Articulação Semiárido Brasil (ASA) vem transformando realidades há vinte e dois anos. Brasil de Fato, 6 dez. 2021.

CALLADO, Antonio. Os industriais da seca e os “galileus” de Pernambuco. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1960.

CASTRO, Josué de. Geografia da fome. Rio de Janeiro: O Cruzeiro, 1946.

CORREIO BRAZILIENSE. Para exaltar governo Bolsonaro, vídeo ignora que resultado da transposição é obra de diversas gestões. Correio Braziliense (Projeto Comprova), jul. 2021.

HYDARA, M. J. Songs of Dust and Water. 2026. Paperback. ISBN 9798162251088.

IHU – INSTITUTO HUMANITAS UNISINOS. Programa de cisternas atrasa, mas alivia seca. Notícias IHU, 18 abr. 2011.

INFOESCOLA. Indústria da seca. InfoEscola, [s.d.].

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